UGANDA’S RELIGIOUS LEADERS, THE CRAZE FOR MONEY AND THE DESPERATE FLOCK

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Introduction

On the surface, Uganda presents itself as one of the most spiritually vibrant nations on earth. Churches and mosques overflow with worshippers seeking divine intervention. The air in Kampala on a Sunday morning is thick with the sound of gospel music and impassioned sermons. Africa, after all, is where spiritualism is most diversified and thriving.

Yet beneath this outward display of devotion lies a troubling reality. The relationship between religious leaders and their flocks has become increasingly transactional. Money has become the yardstick for measuring the progress of the gospel. And at the centre of this crisis is a growing entanglement between religious leaders, political power, and the craze for money—leaving the faithful confused, exploited, and increasingly desperate.

The Politicisation of the Pulpit

One of the most disturbing developments in Uganda’s religious landscape is the systematic integration of religious leaders into the machinery of NRM politics. The pulpit, once a sacred space for spiritual guidance, has increasingly become a platform for political endorsement and patronage. Manglos-Weber (2026) has explored this phenomenon through the lens of “ambivalent accommodation,” finding that Ugandan community-based religious leaders’ approaches range from political avoidance to ambivalent accommodation to political activism, with the dominant approach being ambivalent accommodation of the hybrid regime. This reflects both a desire to protect their social welfare activities from government retaliation and their perception of political activity as associated with divisive partisanship, even as they express growing concerns about human rights abuses and corruption.

President Yoweri Museveni has cultivated close relationships with religious leaders, often rewarding them with material gifts. In August 2026, President Museveni gifted a brand-new Toyota Land Cruiser to Cardinal Emmanuel Wamala, the 99-year-old former Archbishop of Kampala. Similarly, in June 2026, Museveni fulfilled a six-month-old promise by gifting another Toyota Land Cruiser to the Bishop of Busoga Diocese, Rt. Rev. Prof. Dr Grace Lubaale. The Vice President, presiding over the handover, noted that the gift was to “facilitate his pastoral duties and community outreach”. Such gestures have become so routine that Muslim leaders in Luwero district have openly expressed discontent with what they perceive as unequal treatment, noting that while bishops in the Christian faith receive vehicles and money, district kadhis cannot boast of “a state bicycle”. As one Muslim leader observed, the President’s move to donate vehicles and money to bishops is “both unfair and discriminatory since it does not cut across all religious denominations”.

The crossover between pastor and political operative has become so pronounced that observers now speak of a “spiritual economy” that feeds the “corruption economy”. Pastors and prophets seize microphones to declare winners before appointments are made, claiming they have been “anointed by God”. Uganda’s authoritarian regime offers “brand-new monster vehicles and cash handouts to religious leaders”, creating a system of patronage that compromises the moral authority of the pulpit.

Critics point to a double standard: while Museveni frequently warns religious leaders to stay out of politics and focus on spiritual matters, he has openly accepted endorsements from other religious figures. This transactional relationship—political support in exchange for material reward—has corrupted the spiritual mission of religious leadership. As Niringiye (n.d.) has argued in his work on corruption and governance in Uganda, religious leaders have a critical role to play in confronting corruption, yet many have been co-opted into the very systems they should be challenging.

The Prosperity Gospel and the Craze for Money

The prosperity gospel has taken deep root in Uganda. Lauterbach (2019) defines this phenomenon as “the promise of abundant wealth as a sign of God’s blessing,” noting that it is “one of the most prominent features of charismatic Christianity in Africa, and also one of the most contested”. In many of the popular charismatic mega-churches in Ghana, Kenya, Nigeria, and Uganda, pastors preach the health and wealth gospel; “they promise material wealth to congregants as a sign of God’s blessing and at the same time strongly encourage church members to give generously”. Many prosperity pastors are themselves illustrations of what they preach, “living in big houses and driving luxury cars; some even have private jets”.

The results in Uganda are stark. A 2019 report suggested that Prophet Samuel Kakande of Synagogue Church of All Nations had an estimated net worth of $900 million. Other sources list Pastor Samuel Kakande as the wealthiest pastor in Uganda with an estimated net worth of 920 million (presumably in a lower currency unit), followed by Pastor Joseph Sserwadda at 840 million and Pastor Robert Kayanja at 739 million. Prophet Elvis Mbonye reportedly has an estimated net worth of $117 million. These figures represent staggering wealth amassed from congregations that are often struggling to survive.

The case of Pastor Aloysius Bugingo and his planned “Pentagon” church is particularly instructive. For nearly ten years, Bugingo has been gathering funds from his congregation, promising to construct a 35,000-seater church complex. Sources indicate that billions of shillings have already been collected. Yet in a recent sermon, Bugingo admitted that they do not even have one-tenth of the necessary funds to begin construction. The estimated cost has skyrocketed from 100 billion to 120 billion shillings. Meanwhile, Bugingo has constructed an “extravagant mansion in Namayumba,” is “protected by national soldiers,” and “owns one of the largest media outlets in the country, Salt Media”. He has also married his “dream” woman. Many believe he has utilized church funds to finance his luxurious lifestyle.

George (n.d.) has argued that from 1986, a new kind of capitalism fronted by the Prosperity Gospel and spearheaded by the USA took root in Uganda. In this sort of capitalism, the Prosperity Gospel is used to “hide the flag of American neo-liberal imperialism”. The theology teaches that sickness and poverty can be overcome through faith, prayer, and—crucially—generous donations to God’s work. Pentecostal leaders urge their followers to tithe in order to experience material wealth.

The Desperate Flock

The faithful are increasingly becoming desperate. Many are deserting churches—not because they no longer need divine intervention in their lives, but because religious leaders are overstretching them with demands for money.

Research conducted in Kyeizooba Sub County, Bushenyi District, has shown that “church financial demands has led to lack of trust among church leaders and their believers due to frequency of the financial demands from church members without accountability to the members”. This has “brought lack of trust among church leaders by followers hence reducing attendance of Christians in church”. The study further noted that this has “occasioned the creation of different churches by the members due to mistrust between each other”.

The Anglican Church has experienced declining membership, with a study of Kabindi Archdeaconry in the Diocese of Muhabura identifying key driving forces including “dissatisfaction with leadership in the church” and “lack of spiritual nourishment”. Another study examining the Diocese of East Ruwenzori found significant challenges including “faith abandonment, stagnation in spiritual growth, and declining engagement among longstanding members”. At St. Francis Chapel at Makerere University, internal turmoil and declining attendance have been reported, with members noting “dwindling numbers and reduced participation in ministry activities”.

A study by Ainebyona (2015) on economic empowerment and laity participation in parish life in Mbarara Archdiocese found that financial demands, including the payment of tithes, were a significant factor affecting participation. The COVID-19 pandemic further exacerbated these challenges, with studies investigating its impact on church financial stability and apostolate in Masaka Diocese revealing the fragility of the financial model upon which many churches depend.

Interestingly, the flight from organised religion appears more pronounced in churches than in mosques. This may be because mosques have traditionally focused on community support and giving to their flock, whereas in many churches, the flock gives to the church.

Scandals and the Erosion of Trust

The religious landscape is also plagued by scandals that further erode trust. Kagaba (2025), in a dissertation examining the necessity of regulating the operations of churches in Uganda, found that “there is no effective legal mechanism to oversee the financial and organizational operations of churches”. This “legal vacuum has allowed certain religious actors to operate without transparency or accountability, resulting in cases of manipulation, financial fraud, and psychological coercion”. The lack of institutional coordination, minimal public oversight, and the political sensitivity surrounding religious regulation have further hindered efforts to introduce reform.

In 2023, a Luweero pastor and his lawyer were sentenced to two-and-a-half years in jail and fined Shs405 million over a Shs4 billion fraud that defrauded more than 5,000 victims. The pastor had promised scholarships, trips abroad, and connections to income-generating projects—promises that were never fulfilled.

Justice Ogoola, a retired Ugandan judge, lamented the decline in professional and moral standards, noting that “the priest, the sheikh, the bishop, the pastor, the prophet, and the apostle, many of them have thrown out their own strict standards of their profession”. The State House Anti-Corruption Unit has arrested pastors who used President Museveni’s name and those of his family members to dupe people into paying money.

Isabirye (2026), in a study of Pentecostal theology and its implications for Uganda’s religiosity, found “deep theological enthusiasm among Pentecostals, yet with gaps in doctrinal instruction and potential ethical distortions in prosperity preaching”. This ethical distortion is precisely what enables the exploitation of the faithful.

The Mega-Church Phenomenon

Uganda has witnessed the construction of increasingly oversized churches, symbolising the material success of religious entrepreneurship. The Miracle Centre Cathedral, founded by Pastor Robert Kayanja, has a seating capacity of approximately 10,500 people and is described as “one of the largest church auditoriums in East Africa”. Weekly attendance is estimated at 15,000.

Pastor Imelda Namutebi made history by building a 15,000-seater church, one of the largest in East Africa, at a cost of over sh6 billion after about 10 years of construction. In December 2024, President Museveni commissioned Prophet Samuel Kakande’s Temple Mount Church of All Nations in Mulago, Kampala, which has a capacity to accommodate between 25,000 and 30,000 believers.

These mega-churches, with their vast auditoriums and sophisticated media operations, represent enormous financial investments. Yet the question must be asked: are these buildings serving the spiritual needs of the flock, or are they monuments to the egos and wealth of their founders? As one commentary observed, “a theology that idolises wealth has something fundamentally wrong at its core”.

A Contrast with Europe

The contrast with Europe is striking. Across Europe, declining church attendance, shrinking religious communities, and rising maintenance costs are leaving many religious buildings underused or at risk of abandonment. In Germany, an increasing number of Catholic and Protestant churches are closing due to falling membership numbers. Former churches are being turned into clubs, restaurants, cultural institutions, or even mosques.

The Bonn Minster (Bonner Münster) in Germany—a historic Catholic church constructed primarily between the 11th and 13th centuries—now serves as a focus of local tourism rather than as a vibrant centre of worship. The author’s visit to Bonn and Mainz in 2000 revealed a huge Catholic church built in the 13th century that had become a tourist attraction, with even young people making love in its precincts.

Uganda, by contrast, is still building mega-churches while Europe is closing them. The question is whether Uganda is building for spiritual vitality or for material display.

The Future of the Spiritual Enterprise

What is the future of the spiritual enterprise in Uganda? The signs are troubling.

If Jesus were to visit Uganda today, as one writer wondered, would he be pleased or disappointed? Would he not recall the merchants in the temple and their exploitation of faith for profit? Would he not weep for the congregants being manipulated and exploited in their search for hope?

The prosperity gospel, which enriches pastors at the expense of their followers, represents a fundamental distortion of the Christian message. Traditional spirituality in Uganda, predating both Christianity and Islam, was not centred on materialism and money. The Baganda, for example, believed in Katonda, the creator god, and prayer was a central activity. Ancestral spirits were believed to protect those who prayed to them. Material wealth was not the measure of spiritual devotion.

Both Islam and Christianity have, in many ways, predated on this traditional spirituality, replacing it with systems that often prioritise institutional power and financial extraction over genuine spiritual growth.

Mugisa (n.d.) has examined the Gospel of Prosperity and Healing Ministry in African Pentecostalism as “a theological and pastoral challenge to the Catholic Church in Uganda”, highlighting the need for mainstream denominations to respond to this theological challenge. Kagaba (2025) has recommended “a multi-pronged approach to regulation that includes legal reform to establish clear operational guidelines for religious institutions, the introduction of a registration and reporting system for faith-based organizations, and the creation of an independent interfaith regulatory body”.

Conclusion

Religious leaders in Uganda are increasingly emphasising material possessions and money at the expense of the spiritual growth and development of their flock. The integration of religious leaders into NRM politics, the craze for money, and the proliferation of the prosperity gospel have left the faithful confused and unsure if they can achieve salvation.

Many are running away from churches, not because they no longer need God’s intervention, but because religious leaders are overstretching them with demands for money. The contrast with mosques, which have traditionally focused on community support, is instructive.

The future of the spiritual enterprise in Uganda hangs in the balance. Will religious leaders return to their core mission of spiritual guidance and community service? Or will they continue down the path of political patronage and financial exploitation, leaving their flocks desperate and disillusioned?

As Manglos-Weber (2026) demonstrates, the challenges of the neoliberal hybrid authoritarian state present unique obstacles for religiously led movements. Yet the potential for reform remains. What is needed is a return to the sanctity of faith, urging leaders and congregations alike to prioritise genuine spiritual growth over material gain. Without such a return, Uganda’s religious leaders risk becoming the merchants in the temple—exploiting faith for profit while the faithful, desperate and confused, search in vain for salvation.

References

• Ainebyona, R. (2015). Economic empowerment: A strategy to the improvement of the laity’s active participation in parish life: A case study of Kakoma Parish, Mbarara Archdiocese. Unpublished masters dissertation, Makerere University.
• Arinaitwe, S., Baagala, G. E., Earnest, A., Aja, L., & Tumuhairwe, J. (2024). Church Financial Demands and Christian Church Attendance in Kyeizooba Sub County, Bushenyi District of Uganda. INOSR ARTS AND HUMANITIES, 10(1), 25-29. https://doi.org/10.59298/INOSRAH/2024/101.2529
• George, K. M. (n.d.). When the Cross Hides the Flag: Postmodern Pentecostalism and the Fortification of Neo-liberal Capitalism in Uganda. PhilPapers.
• Isabirye, M. S. (2026). Pentecostal Theology and Its Implications for Uganda’s Religiosity: A Biblical and Contextual Appraisal. Journal of Popular Education in Africa, 10(3), 49-59.
• Kagaba, W. (2025). Religion and economic exploitation in Uganda. Unpublished dissertation, Makerere University, Kampala.
• Lauterbach, K. (2019). Fakery and Wealth in African Charismatic Christianity: Moving Beyond the Prosperity Gospel as Script. In K. Lauterbach & M. Vähäkangas (Eds.), Faith in African Lived Christianity – Bridging Anthropological and Theological Perspectives (pp. 111-132). Brill.
• Manglos-Weber, N. D. (2026). Ambivalent Accommodation: The Politics of Religious Leaders and the Hybrid Regime in Uganda. Sociology of Religion, 87(2), 221-243. https://doi.org/10.1093/socrel/srae044
• Mugisa, S. (n.d.). The Gospel of Prosperity and Healing Ministry in African Pentecostalism: A theological and pastoral challenge to the Catholic Church in Uganda. Unpublished dissertation, Cardinal Stefan Wyszynski University, Warsaw.
• Niringiye, D. Z. (n.d.). Corruption and Governance in Uganda: The Role of Religion. HURIPEC, Makerere University.
• Ouma, J. (2019). Cultural Perception on Prosperity Gospel Teaching and its Ramification on Whole-Life Stewardship: A Case of Africa Gospel Church in Kampala, Uganda. International Journal of Science and Research (IJSR), 8(8).

Img: Switch Africa 

Written by

Oweyegha Afunaduula

I am a retired lecturer of zoological and environmental sciences at Makerere University. I love writing and sharing information.

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