2024 saw the United States African Command (AFRICOM) make headlines after it was expelled from Niger on the 15th of September 2024. The unit operates under the United States Department of Defense’s unified combatant commands. It was set up based on NATO’s recommendations in 2007, but its operations began in 2008. AFRICOM is headquartered at Kelley Barracks, Stuttgart, Germany, a telling sign of its underlying purpose. We will explore why countries like Niger are expelling the organization.
AFRICOM was rolled out at the tail end of President Bush’s administration, whose tenure is synonymous with the global war on terror that began under his watch following the events of September 11. The command was established to oversee United States security operations across the African continent. It was designed to operate in a hybrid manner, collaborating with the militaries of African nations and Washington’s allies to enhance security and stability on the continent.
The hybrid system meant that the United States, through training programs, would prepare sections of African militaries to reach special forces status. These forces would then undertake operations on behalf of the U.S., functioning as a quasi-legionary force. Experts like Adekeye Adebajo have observed, “The idea was that Africans would do most of the dying,” with Washington providing funds and other resources. This does not mean AFRICOM is devoid of American personnel, but the bulk of the fighting force is contributed by the 53 African countries that maintain military cooperation agreements with the United States.
When the United States targeted groups like Al Qaeda in the Middle East, these groups sought new grounds for militant operations in Africa. Their presence in the Sahel increased, necessitating AFRICOM’s intervention. AFRICOM established about 29 permanent military bases across the continent and roughly 60 smaller bases or outposts scattered across 34 countries, according to the Institute for Security Studies.
In the past decade, AFRICOM played a role in the fragile organization now operating in the Sahel known as the Trans-Sahara Counterterrorism Partnership, which includes countries like Algeria, Mali, Burkina Faso, and Nigeria, among others. These nations were already contending with local rebel and separatist groups, such as those in northern Mali. Groups like Al Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb caused not only security challenges for residents but also disruptions to energy markets, operating near critical uranium supplies essential to nuclear power plants in Europe.
It’s no secret that Africa is expected to hit its economic peak in the next three decades. By 2063, the World Bank predicts the continent will host the world’s third-largest economy, propelled by the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA). By then, Africa will also account for 25% of the world’s population and dominate the global workforce. The continent is home to some of the largest reserves of strategic minerals, which are critical to the global green energy transition.
Over the years, AFRICOM’s role has evolved depending on the foreign policy priorities of various U.S. administrations. At present, securing natural resources is a key objective. During President Trump’s second term, for instance, protecting access to these resources played a dominant role. According to a congressional research paper on U.S. Strategic Interests in Africa, energy resources are critical to AFRICOM’s operations. The think tank, which informs U.S. Congress policymaking, prepared candid reports such as the document titled “U.S. Strategic Interests and the Role of the U.S. Military in Africa.”
Countering geopolitical rivals like Russia and China in Africa is also a key strategic role of AFRICOM. As of December 2024, this is considered the unit’s primary challenge. Jim Garamone noted that AFRICOM’s mission extends beyond terrorism to encompass great power contestation. For instance, AFRICOM monitors China’s military base on the Djibouti coast and tracks operations of the Wagner Group, a private Russian military company operating in Africa on behalf of the Kremlin.
Additionally, violent extremist groups like ISIS and Al-Shabaab are influenced by the effects of climate change, which impacts arable lands and water sources in arid regions where these groups operate. AFRICOM is also tasked with monitoring and assessing climate change’s implications on stability across Africa, periodically intervening in security crises caused by environmental factors. The U.S. has acknowledged the real impact of environmental dynamics on continental stability, thus working with African nations to develop practical solutions to these challenges.
Humanitarian assistance also falls within AFRICOM’s mandate. Scholars like Alexi Osifo, in his paper “USAFRICOM: An Analysis of the United States Africa Command and the Forces that Legitimize and Justify U.S. Military Presence in Africa,” have highlighted that providing aid is a core focus of AFRICOM when it’s not conducting military operations or training exercises. Africa’s growing geopolitical significance, coupled with the United States’ strategic interests—including resource security and conflict containment—gives AFRICOM a wide operational scope.
Post-colonial Africa remains distrustful of organizations like AFRICOM due to the continent’s historical experiences. When American politicians, like Matt Gaetz, stand on the floor of Congress and call for invading a sovereign African country following disagreements with AFRICOM, they ignite resentment. The United States’ military-led approach often overshadows diplomacy. Unlike China, this strategy impedes potential development efforts that might otherwise strengthen African partnerships.
Notably, before AFRICOM’s formation in 2007, the Sahel experienced only about 1% of global terrorism. Today, the region is home to ISIS and Al Qaeda offshoots, accounting for 47% of terrorist activity globally. These trends, which have caused approximately 2,860 deaths in recent years, suggest that AFRICOM’s presence has exacerbated rather than resolved security issues.
In West Africa, where AFRICOM operates, Nigeria offers a poignant example. Previously unaffected by violent extremism, the country has faced escalating violence since Boko Haram’s turn to militancy in 2010—six years after AFRICOM’s arrival. This group accounts for roughly 50,000 deaths and the displacement of 2.5 million people in Nigeria alone. In Mozambique’s Cabo Delgado province, where natural gas reserves were discovered before the rise of Ahlu Sunnah Wal Jama’a in 2017, similar patterns of insecurity have emerged.
Another misstep by AFRICOM is its training programs, particularly those under the National Guard State Partnership Program, pairing African militaries with U.S. states. For example, South Africa partners with New York. While these exercises, such as African Lion and Flintlock, have birthed new units within African armies, they also create divisions. Political analysts like Rahmane Idrissa describe this phenomenon as a “military caste system,” which has fueled coups in Guinea (2021) and Mali (2020), led by graduates of AFRICOM training. Ironically, these American-trained officers are now hostile to Western agendas, forming alliances like the Alliance of Sahel States (AES), which includes Niger, a country that expelled AFRICOM in 2024.
During President Trump’s first term, AFRICOM’s operations aligned with his general foreign policy, which prioritized counterterrorism and economic interests. Africa was of secondary concern so long as trade remained uninterrupted. His administration delayed filling crucial positions essential for AFRICOM’s smooth functioning. Trump’s decision to withdraw U.S. troops from Somalia, relocating them to Kenya and Djibouti, drew criticism for undermining stability in the Horn of Africa, a vital region for Red Sea shipping lanes. Experts believe his approach may have compromised long-term U.S. strategy, ceding influence to China.
In May 2022, President Biden reversed Trump’s Somalia withdrawal by redeploying U.S. troops. This signaled continued U.S. involvement in addressing Horn of Africa security issues. Biden’s Sub-Saharan African strategy focuses predominantly on AFRICOM operations and partnerships, particularly as Russia deepens ties with regional militaries. However, AFRICOM’s expulsion from Niger and Burkina Faso during Biden’s tenure reflects diplomatic failures. These developments may hurt American interests, particularly in uranium supply chains critical to Europe’s energy markets.
Russia maintains official defense partnerships with African nations, primarily through arms sales, with the AK-47 being the continent’s most ubiquitous weapon. Many African soldiers receive military training in Russia. The Wagner Group supplements these efforts by providing training, intelligence, and combat support, albeit for a fee. While Russia lacks permanent military bases in Africa, it has expressed interest in establishing one on Sudan’s coast amid the country’s current civil conflict.
China, in contrast, operates a military base on Djibouti’s coast, primarily to protect its shipping interests in piracy-prone regions. Through U.N. peacekeeping operations, China contributes significant personnel to stabilize nations like Sudan and Mali. China’s substantial role in peacekeeping aligns with its broader goals to secure investments and promote the Belt and Road Initiative across Africa.
For centuries, Africa has endured a militarized culture imported through the transatlantic slave trade and later to facilitate resource extraction. Military interventions by AFRICOM, NATO, and China are unlikely to shape Africa’s future positively. Emphasizing diplomacy, development, and humanitarian efforts—reserving military operations as a last resort—is imperative. The United States should consider redirecting AFRICOM’s budget toward building an Africa Union-regulated joint standby force.
AFRICOM’s original mandate is failing, and if Donald Trump seeks a lasting legacy, he should advocate scaling down AFRICOM’s operations. Instead, he should encourage Africans to develop the capacity to address their challenges using African-led solutions.
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