MILITARY INVASION, CONQUEST, OCCUPATION AND PENETRATION HAS MANY CONSEQUENCES: UGANDA IN PERSPECTIVE

Background

In my recent article “Rethinking the environment for effective environmental management and conservation of Uganda’s diverse ecologies”, I emphasised that the environment should be viewed as consisting of 4 interlinked, dynamically interacting dimensions: ecological-biological, socio-economic, sociocultural and temporal. When the dimensions experience decay and collapse, war and the phenomenon of environmental refugees predominate in the environment.

Humanity generally depends on muscle and gun more than thinking, reasoning and negotiation of relationships and interactions.  It is much easier for rulers and leaders to declare wars than negotiations to resolve conflicts. In some cases, the wars result in one country invading, occupying and annexing another. It is conflicts, frequently armed, that are responsible for generating environmental refugees and/or one country or groups of people occupying another country and dominating the people therein.

There are many consequences of military occupation of one country by another.  The occupation may be short-term, medium-term or long-term. If the occupation results in annexation, the owners of the annexed country may never recover their ownership of the country, their sovereignty, and their citizenship from the occupiers. They may even be degraded into secondary or tertiary citizens, or reduced to slaves in their own country. There are many Ugandans who think, believe and are convinced that their country was not liberated, as those who captured the instruments of power in 1986 by the gun, have propagandised, preached and continue to celebrate at great cost to the taxpayers, but invaded and occupied the country.

The thinking, belief and conviction arises from the fact the invading forces were predominated by Tutsi elements from Rwanda and Mulenge of the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) who originally organised as Front for National Salvation (FRONASA), then as Patriotic Resistance Army (PRA) and then consumated Yusuf Lule’s idea of National Resistance Movement/Army after Lule agreed to merge his Freedom Fighters of Uganda (FFU) and Yoweri Tibuhaburwa Museveni’s PRA to concretise his idea of NRM/A during a meeting at Mboijana’s  residence in Kabete, Kenya in in August 1981.Indeed today, there is little evidence that the neotraditionalist innovators of NRM/A hold any significant positions in the NRM or Army.

The fact that the leadership of NRM and army is strongly in the hands of the people who belonged to FRONASA and PRA and the exacerbated ethnic nepotism now dominating Uganda have increasingly made many Ugandans accept that their country is politically and militarily occupied, with serious impacts on the environment, ecology, culture, economy, education, health, et cetera.

Military occupation of a country indeed has many consequences.  In this article I assume that the insurgency between 1981 and 1986 was not a liberation of Ugandans but an invasion that ultimately resulted in occupation of Uganda by foreign-dominated forces of mostly refugees and former refugees posing as nationalists and citizens of the country. The insertion of a category of ostensibly indigenous Ugandans in the Uganda Constitution 1995 called Banyarwanda generated a lot of suspicion since the constitution-making process was firmly under the control and influence of refugees and former refugees. These used the constitution to legitimise their rule and enhance their influence in every sphere of life in the country. They created a sociopolitical and politico military environment in the Great Lakes region in general and Uganda in particular and a legal framework that was conducive for more and more refugees to flock into the country from mainly the Cushite dominated countries (Burundi, Somalia, Rwanda, Eritrea and Ethiopia). Some have come from the Karagwe area of Tanzania where there is a sizable population of nomadic pastoralists. The country now has over 1.74 million refugees, the largest refugee population in Africa. The majority of refugees come from South Sudan (55%) and the Democratic Republic of the Congo, mainly Mulenge area, of Rwandese nomadic pastoralists called Banyamulenge (31%).

Uganda is well known as a strong refugee protector, but faces a number of socio-economic and governing challenges, as well as complex political priorities and relationships. Based on their research on the political stakes of refugee protection in Uganda, Ronald Kalyango Sebba and Franzisca Zanker (2022) found many political stakes:

• A number of refugees are self-settled in urban areas, resulting in practical struggles such as police harassment, limited access to healthcare, jobs, livelihood opportunities and vocational training programmes.
• Institutionally, refugee governance in Uganda is constrained by highly centralized decision-making and underfunding of refugee hosting districts.
• Settlement-based land policies limit refugee choice and have been difficult to sustain due to growing numbers of refugees and growing tensions with host communities.
• The development approach avoids any potential political integration of refugees

Besides, many indigenes of Uganda think, believe and are convinced that refugees and former refugees now predominate in all kinds of leadership and governance; that they conceal themselves as Ugandans under dual citizenship effectively outcompeting the indigenes for opportunities. Some have been in the Executive, Legislature and Judiciary. There are fears among the indigenes that NRM government is plotting to grant all Cushite refugees in the country citizenship. For Rwandese refugees, it is much easier under the auspices of the constitutionally recognised “indigenous group of Banyarwanda”, which many Ugandans fear was created a conduit for many Rwandese to enter Uganda and become citizens and nationals.

There is widespread belief that the majority of land grabbers come directly from Rwanda and Mulenge in the Democratic Republic of Congo.  Previously nomadic-pastoralist refugees would come from those places across the Ugandan border would come with the cattle, stay for a short time and then go back.  However, these days they come with cattle and gun on their laps, stay and permanently settle as modern-day land owners. Environmentality, an approach to understanding complex interplays of power in environmental governance of human-environment interactions, has changed. So has governmentality, the exercise of organized political power by a nation or state (see also nation-state) and expands it to include the active consent and willingness of individuals to participate in their own governance, has also changed as a result of the rising pre-dominance of refugees and former refugees in governance and leadership, with the decline of the negotiated approach and rise of the command-and obey approach to governance and leadership of/in Uganda to favour refugees and former refugees.

Since the late 1990s environmentality, also labelled “environmental governmentality,” “eco-governmentality,” and “green governmentality,” has been applied to various environmental contexts, such as forestry and natural resource management (Agrawal 2005; Shaunna Barnhart, 2016).  More recently, environmentality and governmentality have been used in discard studies to explore power dynamics and changing attitudes and actions regarding waste, waste disposal, and waste governance specifically (Leonard 2013; Moore 2012; Shaunna Barnhart, 2016) and as a way to explore changing environmental identities and actions broadly, including those related to waste (Harris 2011; Shaunna Barnhart, 2016).

One truism is that refugees can end up capturing the instruments of power, occupying, penetrating and perennially governing their country of refuge. This happened in South Africa for many decades until finally apartheid collapsed in the very early 1990s. In New Zealand, Australia and the Americas, the Maoris, Aboriginals and the Red Indians completely lost their land and countries to the invading Caucasians from Europe respectively. The new arrivals captured every aspect of their new lands of abode, penetrated and interoperated them and rendered the indigenes landless and almost like environmental, ecological, cultural and social pollutants.

When a country is invaded and occupied for a long time, it will be penetrated in diverse ways. In the context of this article, I identify the following penetrations of the area that came to be called Uganda: military penetration, spiritual penetration, capitalism penetration, capitalist penetration, neoliberal penetration, environmental penetration, ecological penetration, intellectual penetration, ethical penetration, genetic penetration, moral penetration, academic penetration, cultural penetration, market penetration, Indian penetration and Chinese penetration.

I have no time and space to discus each of the different types of penetration, However, they are good themes for researcher who want to know to what extent Uganda has been penetrated in the last 38 years under Chwezi-Cushite rule and influence.

Suffice to say a bit about two types of penetration that the rulers of Uganda in the last 38 years have sought to popularise as a way of life for all in the country:

1. Capitalist penetration is a concept that refers to the extent to which capitalism has penetrated a particular area. Weak capitalist penetration can lead to violent exploitation, especially of people who are not directly involved in capitalist production.
2. Neoliberal penetration of the country has exacted enormous influence on the country. With the rise of neoliberalism all of society is increasingly dominated and penetrated by a capitalist logic that transforms every aspect of life into a commodity and leads to asymmetrical power relations domestically and internationally.

Introduction

The country called Uganda today was originally composed of numerous traditional nationalities that mostly lived in harmony with each other. These were Acholi, Ankole, Buganda, Bugisu, Bukedi, Bunyoro, Busoga, Karamoja, Kigezi, Lango, Moyo, Sebei, Teso, Toro and West Nile. Their relative tranquility and peace were perturbed by militarised people from beyond present-day Northern and present-day East of Uganda, with both beneficial and dire consequences.

Thesis Statement

The thesis statement of this article is:

“Uganda was militarily invaded in 1981 by a combined force of refugees and former refugees who ultimately occupied, penetrated and effectively expelled the indigenes from most civic spaces, the army, police, prisons and intelligence services with serious consequences”.

British Invasions, Conquests, Occupations, Penetrations: The Consequences

The British colonialists occupied it and began to weave it into one centralised country, which they first called British Uganda Protectorate, and then Common Wealth Realm of Uganda and finally Uganda. The British introduced a centralised government with Executive, Legislative and Judicial Arms. They exacerbated the districtization of their new sphere of influence, preserved hereditary kingdoms of Buganda, Bunyoro, Toro and Ankole; and introduced sugarcane and cotton as cash crops, while also raising coffee, which they found being grown in the Lake Victoria region, into a cash crop as well. Hey penetrated the whole area militarily, politically, culturally, economically and socially.  They introduced centralised health system and education system as well and initiated urbanisation.

Long before the arrival of the British, other conquests, occupations and penetrations had occurred: the Batembuzi conquests, occupations and penetrations; the Chwezi-Cushite conquests, occupations and penetrations; and the Luo Babito conquests, occupations and penetrations.

Emin Pasha, Nubian Penetrations and Nubianisation: The Consequences

Let me begin with Emin Pasha and his Nubian soldiers. Mehmed Emin Pasha (born Isaak Eduard Schnitzer, baptized Eduard Carl Oscar Theodor Schnitzer; March 28, 1840 – October 23, 1892) was an Ottoman physician of German Jewish origin, naturalist, and governor of the Egyptian province of Equatoria on the upper Nile. The Ottoman Empire conferred the title “Pasha” on him in 1886, and thereafter he was referred to as “Emin Pasha”

The introduction of sleeping sickness in Uganda was attributed to the movement of Emin Pasha and his followers. Prior to the 1890s, sleeping sickness was unknown in Uganda, but the tsetse fly was probably brought by Emin from the Congo territory.

Emin Pasha was an enlightened administrator who ended slavery in the region and established a lasting administration that survived for over 70 years. In 1878 he became governor of Equatorial Province in Uganda, which had been established by its first governor, Samuel Baker in 1870, and Charles George Gordon took over as governor in 1874. He added greatly to the  anthropological knowledge of central Africa and published valuable geographical papers. Thus, he contributed greatly to the accumulating scientific knowledge in the Great Lakes region. In 1890 he was awarded the Founder’s Medal of the Royal Geographical Society.

According to intelligence reports under the British East African Company Emin Pasha accumulated ivory stocks of 75000 kgs worth 100,000 British pounds, which was a lot of money then. One can say he exploited his position to accumulate wealth. I did not find evidence that he was shooting elephants during his movements. However, many historians cast Emin Pasha as organiser rather than conqueror. He strongly opposed Black slave trade and urged removal of Arab black slavers from the Continent of Africa.  He contributed considerably to African natural history, ethnography and language (Mustafa Efe, 2016). Besides he established the state in the modern sense; showed that close relations with the people of the region was essential to fight black slave trade; and demonstrated that scientific work can be done along with statesmanship in Africa.

In 1911, after Emin Pasha’s relief mission, some of his Nubian soldiers remained in Tanzania, while others were brought back to Uganda by Captain Frederick Lugard. The Nubians that integrated in the West Nile region of Uganda spread Islam there (Daily, Monitor, 2012).

Focusing on the period 1894 to 1995 and drawing on both written and oral sources, Mahajubu, Balunywa and Musisi (2019).  explored the origin, ethnic identity and settlement of the Nubians since their advent in Uganda. Ugandan Nubians abandoned some aspects of their former African traditional customs and adopted new ones borrowed from the Arabic culture, constituting a unique and distinct ethnic group.  They articulated the fluidity and formation of the Nubian ethnic identity on one hand, and the strategies that the Nubians have used to define and sustain themselves as a distinct ethnic group in Uganda. They suggested that the question of the Nubian identity in Uganda, through tracing their origin, ethnic identity and settlement since their advent, goes beyond the primordial understanding of ethnicity that tags ancestral location or settlement pattern, language, family history to a particular group claiming itself ethnic.

According to Mahajubu, Balunywa and Musisi (2019), on arrival in Uganda, the Nubians settled among the Acholi, Madi and Lugbara and formed the Nubi/Madi, Lugbara and Acholi Nubi ethnicity. The said tribes adopted the Nubi culture, practice and social structures. They wrote that the Aringa, Kuku, Pojulu, Nyepo, Liggi tribes adopted the Nubi culture and tradition, thus becoming ethnicized; and that the same was true with the Nubis in the Buganda kingdom.  Many Baganda adopted the Nubi way of life, intermarried with them and some even adopted the Nubi religion (Islam).

Citing Rowe (1988: 273) Mahajubu, Balunywa and Musisi (2019). State thus: “Ganda Muslims were looked down upon by everyone else and their strange manner of Nubian Arab dressing (turbans and Tarbushes). This suggests that some Baganda Muslims were Nubianised.

Mahajubu, Balunywa and Musisi (2019) write that in 1890s, Emin Pasha brought the Nubian soldiers to Kampala and settled them in the capital of Buganda Kingdom and other parts like Kololo, after the death of a one Charles Gordon. On the way to Buganda and Bunyoro, Emin Pasha recruited several people from the different tribes of Madi, Alur, Acholi, Kakwa from the West Nile districts of Northern Uganda. Such recruitments did not only convert the Ugandans into Muslims, but a Nubi ethnic category.  Citing Nakayi (2007: 26) Mahajubu, Balunywa and Musisi (2019) state that all these recruits later formed part of the Nubian contingents that remained in Uganda, intermarried, multiplied in number and it became impractical for the colonial administration to repatriate them to their country of origin – Sudan.  Some Baganda embraced the Nubi methods of work, culture and practice. This was because some of them adopted the special Islamic brand of the Nubis.

Batembuzi Conquests, Occupations, Penetrations: The Consequences

In Ancient times, the area was first occupied by mysterious people called Batembuzi who established their destiny over large parts of it and beyond. The Batembuzi are often regarded as the mythical predecessors to the more historically documented Bachwezi Dynasty. According to oral traditions and legends, the Batembuzi were believed to be a semi-divine lineage, possibly of divine origin, and were associated with remarkable supernatural abilities. Whatever their origin, and wherever they came from, the Batembuzi were a refugee group on the biocultural landscape of Eastern Africa. They established their Tembuzi dynasty and Kitara Kingdom. Their dynasty, the Tembezi dynasty and Kitara Kingdom existed from 1000 AD to 1300 AD, although some writers claim there was a Tembezi King called Kintu in the late 900 AD.

The Batembuzi are historically characterised as superhumans who were divine with creative powers and never died but merely disappeared in thin air to the underground. The founder of the Batembuzi is said to have been Ruhanga considered to be a creator (Oweyegha-Afunaduula, 2024).

The Batembuzi were credited with introducing important cultural and technological innovations to the region, especially in Northern Tanzania where they could smelt iron at very high temperatures. These innovations included advanced agricultural techniques, the introduction of ironworking, and the establishment of a structured political and social order. They were revered for their leadership and contributions to their empire development over Uganda and other parts of Eastern Africa.

It was the last Batembuzi King, Isaza, who introduced the concept of County (Isaza) in Bunyoro, which spilt into Buganda and Busoga and indeed other areas of Uganda.

Chwezi-Cushite Invasions, Occupations, Penetrations:  The Consequences

The Batembuzi were succeeded by the Chwezi-Cushites from Ethiopia who emerged in Bunyoro in Uganda as Bahuma in Bunyoro. They consumated the Kitara Kingdom and extended it as far as Western Kenya and Northern Tanzania. Together separately in time and space, they shaped the region’s cultural and spiritual landscape. Shrouded in mystery and legend, they both came from elsewhere and qualify to be referred to as refugees. Both are often referred to as semi-divine lineages, believed to possess supernatural abilities and to have  introduced significant cultural, spiritual and technological advancements to East Africa ( e.g. Akankwatsa Andrew Oba, 2024).  They are related to the nomadic pastoral Cushite groups in the Nile Basin, the reason I referred to the as Chwezi Cushites in my long thesis “The Chwezi-Cushite effect on the traditions, culture, spirituality and political development of Busoga, Uganda.

The Chwezi-Cushite are credited with the introduction of the unique, long-horned Ankole cattle, coffee growing, iron smelting, and the first semblance of organized and centralized government, The recent moves on coffee in Uganda by President Tibuhaburwa Museveni could reflect the historical Chwezi connections with the crop.

Many writers agree that the Empire of Kitara was created by Ndahura, a great warrior king, who extended the small chiefdom of Bugangaizi over a vast area which included Bunyoro, western Buganda, Toro, northern Kigezi, the Sese Islands, Nkore, Kiziba, Karagwe, part of north-eastern Rwanda and part of western Kenya. Busoga and Buganda were not included. This means that the Chwezi did not initially pollute the traditions, cultures and spiritualities of the Baganda and the Basoga. However, Ndahura lacked the military power, the bureaucracy and the means of quick communication to be able to establish a centralized state over this vast area. He therefore relied more on agents who were appointed to represent the king in the various areas. This loosely organized empire seems to have had salt, cattle and iron as its economic mainstay

Some scholars have drawn connections between the Tutsi Rwandese and Tutsi Burundians and the Maasi and the Oromo of Ethiopia, the descendants of the Biblical Ham, and even the ancient Egyptians. Ham (no relation!) was the youngest son of the Biblical patriarch Noah. When Ham saw his father drunk and naked, Noah felt so humiliated that he put a curse on Ham’s son, Canaan, condemning his descendants to perpetual slavery. Here is the moment, as told in Genesis 9:24-25 (New King James Version).

Luo Babiito Invasions, Conquests, Occupations and Penetrations: The Consequences

The Chwezi-Cushites were defeated by the Luo from the North, who established a new, more extensive Kingdom called Bunyoro-Kitara that was even more extensive than the Batembuzi Kitara Kingdom. The Chwezi-Cushites ended up as present-day Bahima of Ankole, Tutsi of Rwanda and the Tutsi of Burundi following the collapse of Kitara Kingdom.  The Batembuzi, the Chwezi-Cushites and the Luos had enormous influence on the peoples they found – especially genetically, culturally and spiritually.

The collapse of the Chwezi dynasty occurred in the 16th Century. Indeed, the Luo, under the leadership of the legendary Isingoma Rukiidi Mpuga, overran the Chwezi Kitara Empire, which had been weakened by several factors, including disease and famine, around 1500 AD, causing them to flee to distant parts of the collapsed empire. It is only after the Luo conquest that Kitara Empire was replaced by the more powerful Bunyoro-Kitara Empire with the Biito dynasty with Isingoma Rukiidi Mpuga becoming the first king (Omukama) of the new Kingdom in the 16th Century. Clearly the Luo invaders, like the Chwezi-Cushite before them adopted the names, traditions and culture of the Banyoro and elsewhere where they established their hegemony.  Bunyoro Kitara Empire later got disintegrated as various states broke away, thus becoming independent kingdoms and sub-dynasties. They include Ankole, Toro, Buganda and Busoga (Nabumati, 2023).

The Luo invasion led to the introduction of new cultures, languages and customs in some cases, the Luo dropped their language in favour of those they came across. On the other hand, the defeated people were absorbed into the Luo culture. Their knowledge and practices, such as crop cultivation and animal husbandry, have contributed to food security and economic development in the regions where they settled.

Modern Chwezi-Cushite Invasions, Conquests, Occupations and Penetrations: The Consequences

Later military conquests, occupations and penetrations were the combined Tanzania People’s Defense Forces (TPDF), Obote’s Kikosi Maalum and Yoweri Museveni’s Front for National Salvation (FRONASA). Tanzanian soldiers eloped with Ugandan girls and women and left behind many who did not belong to Buganda where they fought Idi Amin’s soldiers during what was called Uganda liberation war, in whose wake was a Uganda National Liberation Front (UNLF) government and a Uganda National Liberation Army (UNLA) composed of mainly Obote’s Kikosi Maalum and Museveni’s FRONASA. It was an uneasy marriage of convenience because FRONASA was regarded by many in UNLF and UNLA as a mainly military outfit of Tutsi refugees from Rwanda and the Mulenge area of Congo (Now Democratic Republic of Congo). Indeed, soon after the 1980 General and Presidential Elections, the FRONASA group in the UNLA just weaned itself of leaving the Kikosi Maalum as the army of Uganda. The FRONASA group claimed the elections were rigged and it initiated a guerilla war against the regime of Apollo Milton Obote in 1981 as the Patriotic Resistance Army (PRA). It was not easy for PRA until it merged with deposed President Yusuf Kironde Lule’s Freedom Fighters of Uganda (FFU) to form National Resistance Movement/Army (NRM/A) following a meeting in Kabete, Kenya. The FRONASA group soon dominated NRM/A politically and militarily and more or less cleansed the NRM/A of non-FRONASA elements. Indeed, today 99% of the leadership of Uganda Peoples Defense Forces (UPDF), the successor of NRA, is dominated by Tutsi-Cushites. This is why in this article I refer to the activities of the NRM/A from 1981 and beyond as Chwezi-Cushite invasions, conquests, occupations and penetrations. I coin Cushites because that is what they are, being related to other Cushite groups in the Great Lakes Region.

The consequences of the modern Chwezi-Cushite invasions, conquests, occupations and penetrations of Uganda are many and diverse Let me just list some of them without discussing them

• Concealed genocide of hundreds of thousands in Uganda
• Obnoxious laws as a strategy to disempower and excluded alternative political organisations in governance and leadership of Uganda
• Design of a Uganda Constitution 1995 that placed all the resources of Uganda in the hands of the President
• Pretended to reintroduce Kingdoms but in effect reduced them to and replaced them with unpolitical Cultural Institutions with no power over the populations under them and dependent on Central Government for survival
•  Introduced a refugee economy
• Introduced concept of sectarianism in Uganda’s sociopolitics
• Introduced ethnic politicisation and political ethnisation
• Institutionalised politico-militarism in government, with real political power and authority in the hands of the military
• Introduced Local Councils and local government under toral control by the politico-military National Resistance Movement
• Institutionalised hereditary politics
• Introduced Resident Commissioners that serve the interests of NRM more than they serve the Government
• Introduced NRM cadreism in the Executive, Legislature and Judiciary and even in the private sector
• Introduce apartheid-like governance in Uganda
• Fused the military and the police
• Military capture of civic spaces
• Banned political education in schools in favour of ideological control in Kyankwanzi
• Undermined intellectual debated in schools, universities and public discourse
• Undermined quality education through universal primary education and universal secondary education
• Undermined health security by privatising the health sector
• Adopted globalisation as pathway to development, liberalised the economy without liberalising politics
•  Monetised, financialised, deculturised and dissocialised fresh water
• Imposed individual merit approach to politics, which cultivated political underdevelopment and political illiteracy in the country, thereby sabotaging collective political development and action in the country
• Innovated Bonna Bagaggawale, Myooga, Operation Wealth Creation and Operation Wealth Creation ostensibly to combat poverty through individuals rather than community development, thereby cultivating community underdevelopment and poverty in the country
• Excluded education and health from their Ten Point Programme, meaning they were not a priority in power dynamics

For God and My Country

Further Reading

Abdul Mahajubu, Balunywa M and Musisi F (2019). We did not come as mercenaries: Linking the origin, ethnic identity and settlement of the Nubis in Uganda. Academic Journals, Vol.11(3), pp. 26-34, March 2019

Akankwatsa Andrew Oba (2024). Mysteries of Bunyoro Kitara: A deep Dive into the Batembuzi and Bachwezi Dynasties. Remedial Corner, https://remedialcorner.com/blog/mysteries-of-bunyoro-kitara-a-deep-dive-into-the-batembuzi-and-bachwezi-dynasties/#:~:text=The%20Batembuzi%20were%20a%20legendary,Uganda%2C%20Rwanda%2C%20and%20Tanzania. Visited on 30 November 2024 at 16.33pm EAT

Arun Agrawal (2005). Environmentality. Current Anthropology Vol, pp. 161-190 (30 pages). Published By: The University of Chicago Press. https://www.jstor.org/stable/10.1086/427122 Visited on 29 November 2024 at 11.24 am EAT

Chen, M., Tang, Y., Ning, D. (2013). Penetration of Moral Quality Education on University Life Sciences Courses Teaching. In: Du, W. (eds) Informatics and Management Science VI. Lecture Notes in Electrical Engineering, vol 209. Springer, London. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-1-4471-4805-0_58

Clegg, S. (2019). Governmentality. Project Management Journal, 50(3), 266-270. https://doi.org/10.1177/8756972819841260

Daily Monitor (2012). Emin Pasha’s Nubian soldiers Spread Islam in West Nile. Daily Monitor, September 4 2012. https://www.monitor.co.ug/uganda/lifestyle/reviews-profiles/emin-pasha-s-nubian-soldiers-spread-islam-in-west-nile-1524882 Visited on 5 December 2024 at  9.51 am EAT.

Foster Byarugaba and F.C. Oweyegha-Afunaduula (1995). Environmental Impacts of Refugees in Africa: Some Suggestions for Future Actions. Department of Political Science and Public Administration, Makerere University (Publisher: 1995.  https://books.google.co.ug/books/about/Environmental_Impact_of_Refugees_in_Afri.html?id=RM8wPwAACAAJ&redir_esc=y Visited on 29 November 2024 at 13 43 pm EAT

Gewirth, Alan (1962). Intellectual penetration and moral sensitivity. Chicago Daily Tribune (1923-1963), 14 Jan 1962: d10. ProQuest, https://www.proquest.com/docview/183096211?sourcetype=Historical%20Newspapers Visited 30 November 2024 at 10.56am EAT

Kang, L., Wang, C. C., Chen, F., Yao, D., Jin, L., & Li, H. (2014). Northward genetic penetration across the Himalayas viewed from Sherpa people. Mitochondrial DNA Part A, 27(1), 342–349. https://doi.org/10.3109/19401736.2014.895986, https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.3109/19401736.2014.895986?scroll=top&needAccess=true Visited on 4 December 2024 at 11.37am EAT

Laird, S. et.al. (2022). Social and environmental transformation of refugee and hosting community in Central and Eastern Africa. Occasional Paper No. 229. Center for International Forestry Research (CIFOR). https://dir.muni.ac.ug:8443/server/api/core/bitstreams/1edfde7b-9c5d-4dfa-bbc6-0983f10fdcac/content Visited on 29 November 2024 at 12.58 pm EAT.

Martin, Adrian (2005). Environmental Conflict Between Refugees and Host Communities.  Journal of Peace Research, vol. 42, no. 3, 2005, pp. 329–346 Sage Publications (London, Thousand Oaks, CA and New Delhi) http://jpr.sagepub.com DOI 10.1177/0022343305052015, https://www.projectgaia.com/files/EnvironmentalConflictRefugeesHostCommunities.pdf Visited on 29 November 2024 at 13.09 pm EAT.

Mazrui A.A (1977). Religious Strangers in Uganda: From Emin Pasha to Amin Dada. African affairs 76(302):21-38.

Muller, B.  (2017, November 30). Governmentality and Biopolitics. Oxford Research Encyclopedia of International Studies. Retrieved 29 Nov. 2024, from https://oxfordre.com/internationalstudies/view/10.1093/acrefore/9780190846626.001.0001/acrefore-9780190846626-e-50.

Mustafa Efe (2016). Emin Pasha’s Role in Africa. New Vision January 1 2016. https://www.newvision.co.ug/news/1425956/emin-pasha-role-africa Visited on 5 December 2024 at 9.20 am EAT

Oweyegha-Afunaduula (2024). History of Uganda’s Political Leadership: From 1894 to the Present. Penguin Publishers STILL IN PRESS

Oweyegha-Afunaduula (2024). The Threat of Political Ethnization. Ultimate News, January 11 2024, https://ultimatenews.co.ug/2024/01/oweyegha-afunaduula-the-threat-of-political-ethnicization-of-uganda/ Visited on 27 November 2024 at 16.24pm EAT.

Oweyegha-Afunaduula (2024). The Military Capture of Uganda’s Civic Space Yesterday and Today. https://ugandatoday.co.ug/the-military-capture-of-ugandas-civic-space-yesterday-and-today/ Visited on 27 November 2024 at 16.29pm EAT.

Oweyegha-Afunaduula (2024). The role of rulers in institutionalised Violence in Africa. Te Kamapala Report, May 4, 2023  https://www.thekampalareport.com/talk-back/2023050426367/oweyegha-afunaduula-the-role-of-african-rulers-in-institutionalized-violence-in-africa.html Visited on 27 November 2024 at 16.35pm EAT.

Oweyegha-Afunaduula (2024). Chwezi-Cushite Effect on Traditions, Culture, Spirituality and Political Development of Busoga. Center for Critical Thinking and Alternative Analysis (CCTAA), Seeta, Mukono, Uganda.

Oweyegha-Afunaduula (2023). The root cause of Violence in Uganda and Great Lakes region. Ultimate News, March 28, 2023 https://ultimatenews.co.ug/2023/03/oweyegha-afunaduula-root-causes-of-violence-in-uganda-and-the-great-lakes-region/  Visited on 27 November 2024 at 16.43pm EAT

Oweyegha-Afunaduula (2023). Bigmanity, the sterile culture of money and violence in Africa: the case of Uganda. Ultimate News, June 23, 2023  https://ultimatenews.co.ug/2023/06/oweyegha-afunaduula-bigmanity-the-sterile-culture-of-money-and-violence-in-africa-the-case-of-uganda/ Visited on 27 November 2024 at 16.38pm EAT

Oweyegha-Afunaduula (2023). Linking Environmentality and Governmentality in Environmental Management and Conservation in Africa: Uganda in Perspective. The Kampal Report, June 27, 2023. https://www.thekampalareport.com/talk-back/op-ed/2023062728343/linking-environmentality-and-governmentality-in-environmental-management-and-conservation-in-africa-uganda-in-perspective.html Visited on 29 November 2024 at 12.49 pm EAT

Oweyegha-Afunaduula (2022). Disappearance of Police in Uganda Police. Daily Monitor, February 11 2022.  https://www.monitor.co.ug/uganda/news/insight/disappearance-of-police-in-uganda-police-the-dangers-3713354 Visited on 27 November 2024 at 16.20pm EAT.

Ronald Kalyango Sebba & Franzisca Zanker (2022). August 2022. Political Stakes of Refugee Protection in Uganda    https://www.arnold-bergstraesser.de/sites/default/files/political_stakes_of_refugee_protection_in_uganda_sebba_zanker.pdf Visited on 29 November 2024 at 13.23 pm EAT

Shaunna Barnhart (2016). Environmentality. https://discardstudies.com/2016/07/27/environmentality/ visited on 29 November, 2024 at 11.52am EAT.

Thalif Deen (2017). Should Environmental Refugees be granted Asylum Status? ReliefWeb, 30 November 2017, https://reliefweb.int/report/world/should-environmental-refugees-be-granted-asylum-status Visited on 29 November 2024 at 13. 17pm EAT.

Ulrich Bröckling, Susanne Krasmann, Thomas Lemke (2011). Governmentality, Current Issues and Future Challenges. Routledge. https://www.routledge.com/Governmentality-Current-Issues-and-Future-Challenges/Brockling-Krasmann-Lemke/p/book/9780415811422?srsltid=AfmBOooPnTC1YVQ_EX3zISDRDBUTLuscgPQzr3uzGpsS4QJdafodMhw5 Visited on 29 November 2024 at 12.43pm EAT

Walters, Williams (2012). Governmentality Critical Encounters. Routledge,  Published June 7, 2012 https://www.routledge.com/Governmentality-Critical-Encounters/Walters/p/book/9780415779548?srsltid=AfmBOop-ntEZrd17LS9NIWTycgp9ht_jhGCPcGxxlaUVx10gD7e8COc2 Visited on 29 November 2024 at 12.27am EAT